Leita Ý frÚttum mbl.is

StŠrsta vi­skiptablokk veraldar a­ fŠ­ast (ekki leynifjÚlag)

Myndi "marka­sb˙skapur" henta L÷greglunni? Nei au­vita­ ekki. Og fullvalda rÝki lŠtur heldur ekki raforkumßl sÝn Ý hendur leynifÚlags valdamanna annarra rÝkja. LŠtur ■au mßl ekki Ý hendur OPEC leynifÚlags (Table Ronde) sem ß gˇ­ri lei­ er me­ a­ myrkva heilt meginland Evrˇpu ß nř. Og heldur ekki L÷gregluna, og ■vÝ sÝ­ur LandhelgisgŠsluna, og alls ekki stjˇrnmßlin, eins og ■au ■vÝ mi­ur ß mj÷g slŠmri lei­ eru me­ a­ ver­a:

Ľ Alls ekki stjˇrnmßlin
Ľ Alls ekki L÷gregluna
Ľ Alls ekki LandhelgisgŠsluna
Ľ Og alls ekki orkumßlin, ■vÝ ■au l˙ta fyrst og fremst tilvistar-strategÝskum og geˇpˇlitÝskum l÷gmßlum

Bara alls ekki. Kemur ekki til greina!

****

STËRA-BRETLAND OG BANDAR═KIN

Boris Johnson forŠtisrß­herra Stˇra-Bretlands, fjßrmßlarß­herra hans og John Bolton ■jˇ­ar÷ryggisrß­gjafi Donalds J. Trump BandarÝkjaforseta, fundu­u saman Ý Lund˙num Ý fyrradag um brß­abirg­asamkomulag um frjßls vi­skipti landanna ß milli. Ůa­ er sagt taka gildi ■ann 1. nˇvember 2019, e­a daginn eftir a­ Stˇra-Bretland yfirgefur Evrˇpusambandi­, og nß til allra vi­skipta landanna ß milli. Gefi­ er til kynna a­ ■etta komandi samstarf Bretlands og BandarÝkjanna ver­i kynnt ß G7-fundi sj÷ stŠrstu efnahagsvelda heimsins Ý Frakklandi, dagana 24.-26. ßg˙st nŠstkomandi

Vi­skiptablokkin BandarÝkin + Stˇra Bretland + Kanada + MexÝkˇ yr­i ■ar me­ yfir■yrmandi s˙ stŠrsta Ý ver÷ldinni, me­ landsframlei­slu er svarar til 24,7 billjˇnum dala, e­a nßlŠgt tv÷falt stŠrri en Evrˇpusambandi­, eftir a­ Bretland yfirgefur ■a­. KÝna er Ý dag a­eins ■ri­ja stŠrsta vi­skiptaland BandarÝkjanna ß eftir MexÝkˇ, en fŠrist Ý fjˇr­a sŠti­ ■egar Stˇra-Bretland kemur inn sem stŠrsta einstaka vi­skiptaland BandarÝkjanna

Vinsamlegast athugi­: Forma­ur SjßlfstŠ­isflokksins, Bjarni Benediktsson, hoppandi ß, situr n˙ Ý bankarß­i banka KÝnverska Komm˙nistaflokksins, svo ˇtr˙lega 180-grß­ulega sem ■a­ hljˇmar fyrir ■ß sem ekki eru Ý leynifÚlagi hans. En 180-grß­ur vir­ast sÚrgrein leynifÚlags hans Ý SjßlfstŠ­isflokknum: Sjß hÚr

Ekkert ■essara landa hefur ■urft a­ gefa millimetra af fullveldi og sjßlfstŠ­i sÝnu eftir til ■ess a­ geta ßtt vi­skipti vi­ hvort anna­. Íflugasta ■jˇ­rÝki mannkynss÷gunnar, BandarÝkjum Nor­ur-AmerÝku, dytti slÝkt ■jˇ­nÝ­andi fyrirkomulag aldrei Ý hug. Ůa­ er a­eins ß meginlandi taparanna Ý Evrˇpu og Ý SovÚtrÝkjum sem a­ slÝkt tÝ­kast

Landsframlei­sla Ůřskalands drˇst saman um 0,1 prˇsent ß 2.fj. ■essa ßrs. Hagv÷xtur ß evrusvŠ­inu mŠldist 0,2 prˇsent ß sama tÝmabili. Hann er n˙ 10,5 sinnum minni en Ý BandarÝkjunum. HlutabrÚfin Ý Deutsche Bank hrÝ­falla og nßlgast n˙ll. Ůau standa Ý 5,90 evrum og hafa falli­ ˙r 112 evrum Ý maÝ 2007, e­a um 97 prˇsentur

LEIđARI MORGUNBLAđSINS FÍSTUDAGINN 26. MA═ 1944

"═ or­sendingu forseta BandarÝkjanna segir svo:

"BandarÝkin skuldbinda sig ennfremur til a­ vi­urkenna algert frelsi og fullveldi ═slands, og a­ beita ÷llum ßhrifum sÝnum vi­ ■au rÝki, er standa a­ fri­arsamningunum, a­ loknum n˙verandi ˇfri­i, til ■ess a­ fri­arsamningarnir vi­urkenni einnig algert frelsi og fullveldi ═slands".

Og Ý or­sendingu sendiherra Breta Ý ReykjavÝk, er hann gaf Ý fullu umbo­i bresku rÝkisstjˇrnarinnar, segir svo:

"Bretland lofar a­ vi­urkenna algert frelsi og fullveldi ═slands og a­ sjß til ■ess, a­ ekki ver­i gengi­ ß rjett ■ess Ý fri­arsamningunum, nje ß nokkurn annan hßtt a­ ˇfri­num loknum".

═slenska ■jˇ­in lÝtur svo ß, a­ ■ar sem h˙n hefir Ý h÷ndum slÝka yfirlřsingu tveggja stŠrstu og voldugustu stˇrvelda heims, sje hennar hlutur vel tryg­ur Ý n˙tÝ­ og framtÝ­. ŮvÝ a­ ßrei­anlega er ekki til sß ═slendingur, sem vantreystir or­um ■essara stˇrvelda." | KrŠkja (lei­rÚtt)

Ůetta var ˇmetanlegt fyrir ═sland. Fullveldi og sjßlfstŠ­i ═slands var­ ■ar me­ verjanlegt (e. defensible) vegna bandamanna okkar. A­eins ÷murlegt leynifÚlag fullt ˇheillinda varpar slÝkri ˇfßanlegri gersemi okkar fyrir rˇ­a. Fullveldi okkar og sjßlfstŠ­i er verjanlegt. Vi­ erum ■ar me­ ekki bˇla ß rassi tveggja rÝkja meginlands Evrˇpu, eins og til dŠmis Danm÷rk ■vÝ mi­ur er n˙na. H˙n er ■vÝ ekki eins vel sett og ═sland. Stjˇrnmßl lř­veldis okkar sogast ■vÝ ekki sjßlfkrafa inn ß hi­ pˇlitÝska kauphallargˇlf leynifÚlags ESB, ■vÝ vi­ erum ekki ■ar. Vi­ erum hjÚr! A­eins vÝsvitandi ˇheillindi gŠtu gert slÝkt m÷gulegt

Ein mikilvŠg breyting var ■ˇ ger­. Enga fri­arsamninga var sŠst ß ■vÝ a­ BandarÝkin, Bretland og Frakkland h÷f­u lŠrt sÝna h÷r­u lexÝu af Fyrri heimsstyrj÷ldinni. Fri­arsamningar komu ■vÝ ekki til greina. Ůa­ eina sem til greina kom var SKILYRđISLAUS UPPGJÍF a­ hŠtti Ulysses S. Grants, hvers spakmŠli Mark Twain ßvallt bar Ý sÝnum v÷sum - og sem oft var nefndur skilyr­islaus Grant (e. Unconditional Grant). Heillaˇskum Grants, var hlegi­ a­ Ý BerlÝn ßri­ 1871, eins og meistari Gordon A. Craig bendir ■arna ß

Take that!, leynifÚlag!

Fyrri fŠrsla

Orkupakkagengi! Hva­ me­ a­ byrja ß ■jˇ­legu samstarfi [u]á


ź SÝ­asta fŠrsla | NŠsta fŠrsla

Athugasemdir

1 Smßmynd: Lßrus Ingi Gu­mundsson

Donal Trump hefur gl÷gglega bent ß a­ USAá er sß a­ili sem a­ er a­ TAPAá hva­ mest ß ■esari fjßrmßla veltu sem a­ er veri­ a­ minnast ß ■arna Ý ■essari grein ß me­an a­ allir a­rir en Usa eru a­ grŠ­a ß veltunni.

Mexico grŠ­ir ß Usa, Kandada grŠ­ir ß Usa og Bretland grŠ­ir ß USA.á

KinagrŠ­ir ß Usa og Russar eru svo sannanlega a­ fara a­ bŠtast vi­ enda bunir a­ hir­a Korn s÷luna af Usa ß a­eins 6 ßrum og svo mß lengi telja. á

TAPARINN er USA !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

DONALD TRUMP hefur augljˇslega sjßlfur haft ■au or­ frammi ßsamt ■vÝ a­ benda ß ■a­ a­ hlutabrÚa marka­urin sÚ Ý dag, ekki neitt anna­ en FAKE.á

Make Amerika ,, GREAT AGAIN !!!!!!!!!

Hva­ ■essi or­ merkja er augljˇst.á

kv

LIG

PS, ┴fram ,, Kim Yoo Jung !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!

á á á á á á -------------

Lßrus Ingi Gu­mundsson, 15.8.2019 kl. 18:47

2 Smßmynd: Lßrus Ingi Gu­mundsson

Eina lei­in fyrir Usa a­ redda sÚr, er a­ me­ ■vÝ a­ starta 3 heimstytr÷ldinni og fˇrna Evropu ßsamt Evrunni sjßlfri og tryggja fjßrmagns flˇtta inn Ý DOLLARANN me­ ■vi a­ ey­ileggja evrua rett eins og Washington dc ger­i i fyrr og seinni heimstyr÷ldinni, ■egar a­ 75á af gullfor­a heimsins var kominn undir stjorn washington dc og dollarinn settur ß gullfˇtinn og hi­ mikla BLËMASKEIđ USA HËFST ═ KJÍLFARIđ.

Af hverju heldur fˇlk a­ Bloma skei­ Usa hafi bryja­ a­ lokinni heimstyroldini ?

Heldur fˇlk a­ ■a­ hafi veri­ tilviljun ??

Au­via­ ekki. á

■ar sem a­ lokum seinni heimstyraldarinnar, a­ ■ß byrja­i blˇma skei­ Usa . ■etat er RËMVERSK KAOŮOLSKA AđFERđINN sem a­ ka■olska kirkjan nota­i hÚrna Ý gamla daga. ■a­ var a­ stela ÷llu steini lÚttar og nota si­an ,, 10 hluta af ■vi sem a­ h˙n stal og rÚtta ■a­ fram til baka aftur og ■ß au­vita­ undir ■vi yfirskini a­ ■arna vŠri GËđMENNSKAN EIN ┴ FERđINNI.á

ÍLMUSA.á

Ůa­ var nßkvŠmlega ■etta sem Usa e­a WASHINGTON DC ger­i a­ lokinni seinni heimstyr÷ldinni, eftir a­ hafa veri­ ■eir sem a­ grŠddu Ý raun og veru hva­ mest ß bß­ur heimstyr÷ldunum.á

■eir sem borg­u br˙sann hinsvegar var Evropa , Uk , Russar.

┴FRAM NORđUR KOREA og KIN YOO JUNG !!!

Lßrus Ingi Gu­mundsson, 15.8.2019 kl. 19:02

3 Smßmynd: Gunnar R÷gnvaldsson

Ůakka ■Úr Lßrus Ingi.

ŮÚr hefur fari­ fram. Mun au­veldara er a­ skilja texta ■inn n˙na. Ů˙ vandar ■ig greinilega miklu meira en ■ar sÝ­ast. Takk fyrir ■a­.

Kve­jur

Gunnar R÷gnvaldsson, 15.8.2019 kl. 20:13

4 identicon

═ stuttu mßli, getur­u upplřst okkur lesendur bloggpistla ■inna, hva­ er ■a­ hringbor­, Table Ronde, sem ■˙ vÝsar til Gunnar?

SÝmon PÚtur frß Hßkoti (IP-tala skrß­) 15.8.2019 kl. 20:28

5 Smßmynd: Gunnar R÷gnvaldsson

Ůakka ■Úr fyrir SÝmon PÚtur.

Eins og Bernard Connolly kemur inn ß Ý ritger­ sinni Hringur ˙r gaddavÝr, ■ß hˇfst Table Rondeá■essa tÝmabils sem mi­degisver­arbor­ franskra i­nj÷fra sem bundust h÷ndum saman um a­ svÝkja land sitt Ý hendur ■ess ■řska ˇvinar sem herteki­ haf­i f÷­urland ■eirra, Frakkland.

A­ lei­arljˇsi h÷f­u ■eir sřnina um tŠknivŠdda sameina­a Evrˇpu undir rÝkisstjˇrn ■jˇ­svikara (sjß kaflann: Vichy: creating the technostructure of "Europe"). Ůessi sřn er or­in Evrˇpusambandi­ eins og ■a­ er Ý dag og ■a­ haf­i aldrei neitt me­ fri­ a­ gera. S˙ klisja var einungis yfirvarp. ═ ■eirra augum skiptu ■jˇ­rÝki Evrˇpu ekki mßli, heldur ßlitu i­nj÷frarnir a­ "Evrˇpa" Štti a­ ver­a heimsveld Ý h÷ndum yfirbur­amanna teknˇkrataveldis.

Hßdegisver­irnir gengu ˙t ß ■a­ a­ gera Frakkland sem nytsamast fyrir yfirdrottnurum ■ess. Svona svipa­ og orkupakkali­i­ ß ═slandi Ý dag Štlar a­ gera ═sland nytsamt fyrir teknˇkrataelÝtur Evrˇpusambandsins. ŮvÝ ■ß er varla hŠgt a­ skilja ■a­ misfˇstur a­ aftur, eins og sÚst ß brexit-ferlinu n˙na.

Ůi­ skuli­ endilega lesa ritger­ Bernards Connolly ■vÝ h˙n er meistaraverk og gˇ­ heimild Ý sjßlfri sÚr, og var birt sk÷mmu eftir aldamˇtin ß vefsetri Bryggjuhˇpsins, sem haf­i MargrÚti Thatcher sem hei­ursforseta sinn.

╔g vÝsa me­ vilja ß eldri ˙tgßfu vefsetursins ■vÝ a­ ß hinni nřju ˙tgßfu ■ess er textinn ekki forma­ur rÚtt og innri-akkerisfestingar ß heimildir og athugasemdir Ý henni virka ekki. En hÚr virkar ■etta allt Ýásafn˙tgßfunni.

Kve­jur

Gunnar R÷gnvaldsson, 15.8.2019 kl. 21:29

6 identicon

Takk kŠrlega fyrir ■itt gˇ­a svar Gunnar.

┌tdrßttur ■inn um efni ■essarar ritger­ar finnst mÚr tilefni og ßstŠ­a til, a­ gefa mÚr tÝma Ý a­ lesa hana gaumgŠfilega.á Enn og aftur, takk kŠrlega fyrir svar ■itt og s÷mulei­is gˇ­a og kjarnyrta pistla ■Ýna.á Ůeir eru sem hressandi andablßstur Ý ■vÝ svikalogni sem okkar gamli flokkur velkist n˙ um, sem stjˇrnlaust fley leppa glˇbalÝskra andskota okkar.

SÝmon PÚtur frß Hßkoti (IP-tala skrß­) 15.8.2019 kl. 22:08

7 Smßmynd: Gunnar R÷gnvaldsson

SÝmon PÚtur.

╔g leyfi mÚr a­ birta hÚr ■ann kafla ˙r ritger­ Bernards Connolly sem vi­ erum a­ tala um. ╔g vona a­ hann l÷gsŠki mig ekki fyrir ■a­, tel ■a­ reyndar ˇlÝklegt, ■ar sem FramkvŠmdastjˇrn Evrˇpusambandsins ger­i hann ˙tlŠgan frß vinnu sinni ß fŠ­ingardeild EMU-myntbandalags ESB --■ar sem hann starfa­i fyrir h÷nd Bretlands-- fyrir a­ segja sannleikann um ■a­ misfˇstur ß­ur en ■vÝ var řtt ˙r v÷r, og semádŠmdiáhann sem hŠttulegan mann me­ ECJ-dˇmstˇli ■ess sÝ­ar. En sannleikann um myntbandalagi­ sag­i hann Ý bˇk sinni "The Rotten Heart of Europe". HÚr mß sjß stutt vi­talávi­ Connolly.

CIRCLE OF BARBED WIRE - eftir Bernard Connolly

Kaflinn: Vichy: creating the technostructure of "Europe"

The appeal to French Úlites of a technocratic, Franco-German economic cooperation, aimed at defeating what was seen as the threat of American hegemony (35), had been evident throughout the interwar years as well as during the Vichy period. The Franco-German steel cartel (a very obvious forerunner of the ECSC) set up in 1926 was strongly supported by the organization, Redressement francais, which had been set up in 1925 by Edmond Mercier, a leading figure in the French electronics industry. Redressment francais was largely composd of buinessmen with a neo-St. Simonian, Úlitist vision of economic "rationalization" as an aspect of government by experts. One of its leading intellectual supporters, Lucien Romer, who subsequently became a minister in the Vichy government, had in 1924 written a pamphlet calling for a Platonic aristocracy of fonctionnaires to save France from what he saw as its crisis of authority; and in 1927 he wrote an influential and revealingly-entitled book, Qui sera le maitre: Europe ou AmÚrique?. Alongside Redressement francais stood X-crise, an organization of polytÚchniciens, the predecessors of the post-war Únarquesáas the technocrats par excellence. X-crise was in turn linked with Ordre Nouveau. That, too, had a strongly technocratic bent, like Redressment francais aspiring to a St. Simonian rational organization of economic life. One of the leading lights of Ordre Nouveau was Robert Aron (who, ironically, was subsequently largely responsible for the standard view in the French hstoroigraphy of the 1950s and 1960s, later totally discredited, of Vichy as a "shield" protecting France from collaboration with Germany). Together with another member of Ordre Nouveau, Georges Dandieu, he published a 1931 book, Le Cancer amÚricain. In the early 1930s the mouthpiece of Ordre Nouveua was the journal Plans, of which the joint editor was a syndicalist. As Jackson puts it, "The link between technocracy and syndicalism was the idea that individualistic liberal capitalism [seen as incarnated by American society] was incapable of developing a rationally organized society." (36)

The strand of anti-Americanism and mistrust of liberal capitalism that has been so visible in France ever since the 1920s - not least, in our own day, in the the thoughts, words and actions of Jacques Delors --has often been accompanied by another strand, one of disgust with the French Republic and a belief that France could be rescued from "decadence" through German leadership of a European federation. In the interwar and wartime years this latter strand of course had a fascist nature, exemplified by Pierre Drieu de la Rochelle, the editor during the Occupation years of the leading literary magazine, Nouvelle Revue Francaise. Drieu came to see Hitler, after June 1940, as the incarnation of fascist force and the instrument of European unity: France salvation would be found in a unified Europe (in more recent times, the belief among certain leading French technocrats that economic-at least -- salvation for France would come through German leadership in "Europe" has not been tainted with fascination with Hitler, but has nonetheless marked the thinking of such figures as Jean-Claude Trichet, as will be attested by anyone who observed his relationship with Hans Tietmeyer, and Edmond AlphandÚry).

During the Occupation years, the Table Ronde lunches in Paris were the most visible manifestation of top-level Franco-German business collaboration. Again without having fascist connotations, the European Round Table of industrialists has taken over the role of the Table Ronde and has, togeher with the more obviously sinister Bilderberg Group, an international re-incarnation of something like a cross between Redressement franšais and X-crise, been among the most ardent proponents of "Europe". Fittingly enough, it was Henri Ardant, then head of SociÚtÚ GÚnÚrale, who during the Occupation spoke of his hope that Germany would set up a single customs union and a single European currency. (37) There was, in fact, a good deal of French business enthusiasm for certain of the wartime arrangements. The Table Ronde was a general example, but there were very many specific instancs. Thus, for instance, IG Farben reported that the French chemicals firm, Kuhlmann, was looking for an "initimate collaboration" allowing "the integration of French industry into a new Europe under German leadership." And although the Vichy government tried, in an effort to retain control for itself, to restrain the enthusiasm of individual French firms and industrial organizations, by as early as the autumn of 1940 a whole series of French industries had signed contracts with the Germans. In February 1941 the Germans organized an industrial fair in Paris, exhibiting the items they required. Ten thousand French firms put in bids for contracts to supply the Germans.

There were figures on the left, as well as one the business right, who welcomed corporatism within a German Europe, claiming to see in National Socialism a way to recover a non-Marxist, French socialism inspired by Proudhon and St.Simon -- both of them, of course, proponents in their own day of a united Europe. For instance, during the Occupation, Albert Spinasse, a Socialist who had been a member of Blums government, embraced a German Europe, claiming that, "I do not accept that by aligning [with Gemany] we will have to accept a terrifying unity of thought...and action [but he did not live to read the proposed EU "constitution"!] ... It is what is original and unique that makes France useful to the European Community."

Enthusiasm for Franco-German collaboration was not the only facet of French wartime experience that pointed to the future development of "Europe": the role of technocrats, with their distaste for liberal capitalism and liberal democracy, was also very much in evidence. Under Vichy, the influence of the technocrats was personified by, above all, Jean Bichelonne, possessor of the highest marks ever awarded by the ╔cole Polytechnique. As Secretary-General of the Vichy Ministry of Industrial Production, he epitomized the caste of bureucrats who came to prominence under Vichy and personified the thinking castigated by Novak. To quote Jackson again, "Vichy represented the opportunity to reorganize the world without having to worry about the human beings that inhabited it," (38) as precise a description of "Europe" as one could imagine. Bichelonnes corporatist apparatus of industrial committees also prefigured the National Economic Development Council put in place in Britain by Macmillan in 1962 as part of his campaign to persaude de Gaulle that Britain could be harmonized with the "Europe" that Macmillan had just applied to join (see below). Bichelonne declared that, "A modern state should not be allowed to run according to the blind and simplistic rules of the liberal economy." His close cooperation with his German ministerial counterpart, Albert Speer, again pointed to the ECSC and its devlopmen into a deeper "Europe". The Vichy DGEN under Francois Lehideux was the forerunner of the post-war commissariat au plan, in which Delors spent many of his formative years. Jackson writes that the DGEN, while not really a planning orgnization of the post-war French kind, "prefigured the future in creating a close community of interest between the State and the leaders of the [State-created industrial councils], anticipating the interpenetration of administrative and business leaders so characteristic of post-war France" -and, one can pertinently add, anticipating the similar interpenetration so characteristic of the development of "Europe".

Vichy corporatism was further manifested in its 1941 Labour Charter and its 1943 Artisans Statute, which integrated the many independent professional groups previously representing artisans into the State bureaucracy. Such manifestations, too, have proved typical of the post-war "Europe", notably in the Social Charter.

--- Athugasemdir, ˙tskřringar og heimildir:

35) French suspicion of and resentment of America was massively stimulated by the Paris Peace Conference, not only because of Wilsons insistence on imposing his own principles on the post-war settlement but also because English was, for the first time, given equal status with French as the language of diplomacy - and in Paris! When PoincarÚ met Stresemann in August 1928, he talked eloquently of a need for Franco-German cooperation to combat as a perceived American cultural threat. This section draws heavily on Jackson, op cit., for opinion and behaviour in inter-war and Vichy France.

36) Jackson, op cit., p.59. (Julian Jackson, France: The Dark Years, 1940-1944, OUP (2001)

37) The significance of wartime German thinking on a currency organization for the post-war development of European monetary union is explored in The Rotten Heart of Europe.

38) Jackson, op cit., p.163.

39) (Tilheyrir reyndaránŠsta kafla: Origin of the Species) But, to quote Jackson again (Jackson, op cit., p.295,), "Summarizing economic collaboration as it had developed by the end of 1941, a high-ranking Vichy-official noted that however tough Germany had been, she had been less "eager than the Anglo-Saxon Powers would have been, in a similar situation, to take commercial stakes"." Better any kind of Franco-German collaboration, however unbalanced, it seemed, than the capitalisme sauvage of the "Anglo-Americans"! As a matter of fact, the Anglo-Americans did not attempt to take over vast swathes of Germanys industry when they had defeated the country; but that benign experience did not deflect the creators of the ECSC.

Gunnar R÷gnvaldsson, 16.8.2019 kl. 02:32

8 Smßmynd: Gunnar R÷gnvaldsson

Halldˇri svara­:

Halldˇr Jˇnsson verkfrŠ­ingur (vi­ unnum bß­ir vi­ steinsteypu) spyr mig Ý fyrri bloggfŠrslu um ■etta hÚr:

"Hva­ er Merkel a­ vilja hinga­ Ý heimsˇkn? Lei­beina okkur Ý hagvexti? Ătlar Samfˇ a­ skipuleggja klappli­?"

Svar mitt er ■etta: H˙n er a­ reyna a­ halda GrŠnlandi f÷stu sem nřlendu ß h÷ndum Danmerkur. Ůa­ er ■a­ sem ■etta mßl snřst um. Eina von ESB til a­ hafa nokkur sem helst nor­lŠg ßhrif utan hins Nřja StˇrefnahagssvŠ­is Ůřskalands, ■.e. utan Evrˇpusambandsins. H˙n a­ reyna a­ halda fast Ý ■ß von.

╔g bendi Halldˇri ■vÝ ß grein mÝna laugardaginn, 16. febr˙ar 2019:

Heimsˇkn Pompeo: ═slandi sett nřtt hlutverk og mikilvŠgi

Vi­ eigum a­ a­sto­a BandarÝkin vi­ a­ a­sto­a GrŠnland vi­ ˙tg÷nguna af Egyptalandi Danmerkur.

SÝ­an spyr Halldˇr einnig a­ ■essu:

"Ătla kommarnir ekki a­ mˇtmŠla heimsˇknum Pence og Boltons?"

J˙ allir sem einn, ■a­ mßttu bˇka Halldˇr minn kŠri. Og ef ■˙ vilt vita hverjir ■eir eru ■ß skaltu lesa stofnfÚlagatal "Samtaka herst÷­varandstŠ­inga" (ESB-sinna). Ůessi sj˙kdˇmur erfist nefnilega. Heimilisf÷ngin og bŠjarn÷fn gilda ■vÝ enn ■ann dag Ý dag, a­ mestu leyti.

Gunnar R÷gnvaldsson, 16.8.2019 kl. 03:48

9 Smßmynd: Gunnar R÷gnvaldsson

Wall Street Journal sag­i Ý gŠr a­ kÝminn Donald J. Trump haf­i sagst vilja kaupa GrŠnland. SÝ­asta tilbo­ sem Danm÷rk fÚkk Ý GrŠnland var frß demˇkratanum Harry S. Truman, sem bau­ Danm÷rku 100 milljˇn dala fyrir ■a­ ßri­ 1946. Liti­ er ß ■etta sem hßlfkŠring e­a eins konar Alaska-brandara Trumps, segir bla­i­, ef ■etta ■ß annars er rÚtt.

┴ dagskrß Mike Pompeo utanrÝkisrß­herra BandarÝkjanna var heimsˇkn hans til GrŠnlands Ý maÝ mßnu­i sÝ­astli­num. En henni var aflřst ß sÝ­ustu stundu vegna ■ess a­ hitamŠlirinn sem mŠlir geˇpˇlitÝska hita vi­ ═ran sřndi +39 grß­ur.

En svona er ■etta ■egar landi eins og GrŠnlandi er leyft a­ reka um veraldarhafi­ eins og rekaldi Ý h÷ndum lands sem engan vegin rŠ­ur vi­ ■a­, ■.e. Ý h÷ndum Danmerkur.

Ůß vaknar upp spurning eins og ■essi: "hver ß GrŠnland" Ý raun og veru.

Danm÷rk ß ekki GrŠnland frekar en h˙n ßtti ═sland. Ůetta ver­ur a­ leysa, og eina lausnin er au­vita­ a­ a­sto­a GrŠnland til sjßlfstŠ­is og fullveldis GrŠnlendinga Ý sÝnu eigin landi. Ůar getum vi­ a­sto­a­ BandarÝkin vi­ a­ a­sto­a GrŠnland Ý ■eim mßlum.

Gunnar R÷gnvaldsson, 16.8.2019 kl. 04:54

10 Smßmynd: Gunnar R÷gnvaldsson

D÷nsk vangeta og ˇfullveldi Danmerkur Ý svona mßlum, sem t˙nfˇta-■˙fa ß rassi Ůřskalands, sßst sÝ­ast sem al■jˇ­legur brandari um allan heim ■egar Ůřskaland hernam Danm÷rku Ý maÝ 1941, hirti af henni fullveldi­ og getuleysi hennar --ßrhundru­um saman!-- ß ═slandi og gagnvart ═slandi opinbera­ist sem al■jˇ­leg sk÷mm og hi­ versta klßm. Hi­ sama gildir um GrŠnland n˙na.

Danm÷rk sjßlf rŠ­ur ekki einu sinni lengur vi­ hva­ og hvenŠr h˙n bor­ar vÝnarbrau­ sitt eftir kl 12 ß hßdegi, a­ ■řskum tÝma. H˙n er ESB-■˙fa Ý t˙nfŠti Ůřskalands, enda tala­i konungsfj÷lskyldan ■řsku.

En ■a­ er ■a­ sem orkupakkali­i­ Ý Plebbah÷ll vill gera ═sland a­. A­ ESB-■˙fu og nřlendu! Henda ■yrfti einhverju svŠsnu inn Ý ■ann kofa og gott betur en ■a­.á

Enginn hir­ir nokkru sinni fullveldi­ af BandarÝkjum Nor­ur-AmerÝku.

Hollt er a­ lesa lei­ara Morgunbla­sins ■ann 26. maÝ 1944 a­ minnsta kosti tÝu sinnum. á

Gunnar R÷gnvaldsson, 16.8.2019 kl. 06:05

11 Smßmynd: Gunnar R÷gnvaldsson

Einn af ritstjˇrum CNBC,áTiffany Cross, segir a­ ekki ■urfi a­ hafa ßhyggjur af ■vÝ a­ "Trump vilji kaupa GrŠnland", vegna ■ess a­ kjˇsendur hans sÚu svo heimskir a­ ■eir myndu aldrei finna GrŠnland ß landakortinu.

Ůa­ sem kynnt er sem ˇsta­festar s÷gusagnir ß Wall Street Journal, er n˙ or­in "frÚtta sta­reynd" Ý stŠrstu fj÷lmi­lum heims. Ůarna geta allir sÚ­ hvers e­lis til dŠmis loftslagsklßmi­na­urinn er. Hann er einmitt svona.

Engar frÚttir berast lengur af ve­urfari Ý Evrˇpu ■vÝ ■ar er frekar kalt n˙na mi­a­ vi­ ßrstÝma og s÷gusagnir hßsumarsins um heimsendir.

Fj÷lmi­lahitabylgjan heldur ßfram.

Gunnar R÷gnvaldsson, 16.8.2019 kl. 19:34

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Höfundur

Gunnar Rögnvaldsson
Gunnar Rögnvaldsson

Búseta: Ísland.
Reynsla: 25 ára búseta í ESB og fyrirtækja-rekstur í DK/ESB frá 1985 til 2010. Samband:
tilveraniesb hjá mac.com

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